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 The
Republic of Cote d'Ivoire
is located in the Western African region and expands over a total
area of: 322,460 sq. km (land: 318,000 sq. km water: 4,460 sq. km)
Its population
numbers 15,818,068 (1999) 16,962,491(July 2003 est.) Population (2008 est.): 19,624,000. With a population growth
rate of: 2.35% (1999) and 2.133% (2009 est.)
The
bordering countries are: in the East: the Republic of
Ghana over 668 km; in the Northeast the
Republic of Burkina Faso over 584; in
the Northwest the Republic of Mali over
532; in the West the Republics of Guinea
over 610 and Liberia over 716
It has a coastline of 515 km
alongside the Gulf of Guinea.
Independence
from France on August
7, 1960
National
holiday: August
7
Natural
resources: petroleum,
diamonds, manganese, iron ore, cobalt, bauxite, copper.
Agriculture
production: coffee,
cocoa beans (first world producer), bananas, palm kernels, corn, rice, manioc
(tapioca), sweet potatoes, sugar, cotton, rubber; timber.
Industrial
production: foodstuffs,
beverages; wood products, oil refining, automobile assembly, textiles, fertilizer,
construction materials, electricity.
Cote-d'Ivoire
was till the beginning of the civil war on September 19, 2002, the economic heavyweight
of West-Africa's French speaking countries.
It
represents 35.5% of the GNP (July 2008) - down from 40% in September 2002 and
60% in the 1980's - of West African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA)
, which members' states are: Benin,
Niger, Burkina-Faso,
Mali, Senegal,
Guinea-Bissau and Togo.
The economic performance
of the country is based on agriculture and Ivory Coast is one of the world's largest
producer and exporter of coffee, cocoa beans and palm oil. However,
the economy is highly sensitive to the pricing fluctuations of these products
on the international marketplace. Nevertheless, the country enjoyed twenty five
years of sustained economic growth from 1960 to 1985, which increased steadily
the per capita GNP to up to US$ 1,200 (1999) against an average of US$ 400 in
surrounding countries.
From
1986, the economy began to stagnate and experienced negative growth. The
100% devaluation of Zone Franc's currency (CFA)
on January 12, 1994 triggered a reverse of the downward trend and boosted the
export of agricultural commodities: cocoa, coffee and the pineapple and rubber.
The national budget then
garnered "huge" liquidity coming from the privatization of state's owned
enterprises, the liberalization of the banking system, the discoveries of offshore
oil and gas in addition to generous external financing and debt rescheduling granted
by bilateral and international institutions financing bodies.
Government compliance to reforms
requested by the IMF and the World Bank coupled with the impact of the CFA's 100%
devaluation boosted the economic growth rate to 6% annually from 1996 to 1998.
However, from
mid 1999 the economy slid backwards again. That was the direct consequence of
the refusal by international aid donors to continue financing contribution - unless
the Ivorian government takes necessary measures to stamp out corruption and strictly
adhere to donor-mandated reforms.
From the same period the economic situation deteriorated further due to the political
tension arising from obstacles
set up by Bedie's regime to eliminate the main opposition leader - RDR's Alassane
Dramane Ouattara - from October 2000's presidential ballot.
On
December 24, 1999 a bloodless "coup" cooled down the political tension.
Bedie was ousted from power. The reprieve, however, was just
for a short term as the political situation did not clarified.
Gueî, the beneficiary of the coup, backed by southerner
political leaders added to the confusion: they adopted the "Ivoirité"
concept - cooked by Bedie - which is in the center of the political crisis since
1996.
Finally, Alassane Dramane Ouattara - and several other candidates - were banned
from running for the presidential ballot of October 22, 2000.
Amongst those allowed to run
was Laurent Gbagbo of the
Ivorian Popular Front / "Front Populaire Ivoirien - FPI".
The only "heavyweight" politician to confront General Robert Gueï.
The presidential
ballot took place as scheduled on October 22, 2000 with a low turnout - 30% of
the constituency casting ballots. Ouattara's RDR (The Democratic Rally for
the Republic) boycotting. On October 25, 2000 Robert Gueï attempted to
hijack the election canceling the votes' count and proclaiming himself head of
state. His move was immediately challenged by Laurent Gbagbo's activists. They
took to the streets (backed by Army troops - the Gendarmerie in particular) in
Abidjan; San Pedro and Gagnoa in the Southwest; and Bouaké in the center
of Cote d'Ivoire. Few hours of street riots were enough to topple Gueï's
military regime.
On October 26, 2000, Alassane
Dramane Ouattara's followers also took to the streets protesting against the recognition
of Laurent Gbagbo as President-elect - contesting the election process. Chaos
and confusion rocked through Abidjan. Mosques and churches
set ablaze.
Since that date of October 26, 2000 a civil unrest and defiance
atmosphere was perceptible in the Northern region against the national government.
The Gbagbo's regime did nothing to cool the situation. In the contrary,
it implemented political decisions - in line with the
Ivorité concept cooked by Bedie. That is to say the continual harassment
of army staff originating from the North of the country; refusal to deliver ID
cards to those who are not born from two Ivorian parents - the case of the majority
of Northerners. Etc.
Feeling strangers in their own country, Northerners
decided to topple Gbago's regime. They staged a rebellion on September 22, 2002
and succeeded capturing 60% of national territory.
ALL MEDIATIONS FAILED TO RECONCILE THE ANTAGONISTIC PARTIES
Since
September 22, 2002 several diplomatic attempts had been made by the international
community to mending fences between the antagonistic parties.
After
the "failure" of several West African countries' mediations sponsored
by Senegal's Wade and late Togo's Eyadema, France, the former colonial power,
took over (January 2003) and "cooked" the Linas-Marcoussis
Agreement that also established a Reconcilement Government
As soon
as he was back to his turf, in Abidjan, Gbagbo, who attended the signature's ceremony
at Paris but oddly enough did not sign the document, systematically sabotaged
the Agreement's implementation. His followers and staunch activists - Les
Jeunes Patriotes / Young Patriots - took to the streets with huge rallies to denounce
the Agreement.
Worse, on November 4, 2004 he resumed the war launching air strikes against the rebels held towns of Bouaké and Korhogo.
During one of the strikes on Bouaké (the capital City of the Rebels), on November 6, 2004, a position monitored by La Force Licorne - French Peace Keeping Force in Ivory Coast - was hit. 9 French soldiers were killed and a score wounded. France's Jacques Chirac immediately ordered the destruction of Ivorian Air Defense equipment. French commandos wiped out two warplanes and six choppers depriving the Gbagbo's regime from its air striking power.
The destruction of the Ivorian Air Defense becomes then the pretext for Gbagbo's militia (Les Jeunes Patriotes) to go on rampage around Abidjan, rioting, attacking French economic interests and expatriates.
Several other meetings: Accra I, Accra II, Accra III - Pretoria I and Pretoria II failed to reconcile the antagonistic parties. Both sides making irreconciliable demands
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1- Gbagbo' side asking for the disarmament of the "Rebels" to be implemented before any political settlement is agreed upon - and particularly for the presidential ballot to take place.
2- And the Rebels / Forces Nouvelles insisting that the disarmament should take place only after the presidential ballot took place. |
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OUAGADOUGOU AGREEMENT: ANOTHER DEAD AGREEMENT OR FINALLY A NEW START?
On October 06, 2005, African Union's Peace and Security Council
(PSC) adopted political decisions, which had been translated on October
21, 2005, into UN' Security
Council Resolution 1633 that could be summarized in four points:
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1- Laurent Gbagbo's mandate as Ivory Coast's President ends on October 30, 2005. However, he should stay as Head of State for another year.
2- He has to transfer some executive powers to a new prime minister acceptable to all Ivorian parties.
3- The ministers of the new Reconcilement Government (designated by the parties which attended and signed Linas Marcoussis Agreement) would report to the Prime Minister.
4- The new Reconcilement Government to execute Linas Marcoussis and Accra III Agreements. |
But 40
months further, in this February 2010, little progress was made as the presidential
ballot scheduled initially for the end of October 2006 (UN's Resolution 1633) was cancelled - and postponed every following year.
Worse, on February 12, 2010, Gbagbo dissolved the Reconcilement Government and dismissed the head of the electoral commission - postponing the presidential ballot scheduled for February 28, 2010.
So, once again, Ivory Coast is tittering towards the abyss of civil war as the opposition leaders reacted harshly on February 13, 2010 with a common declaration that stated the following:
1- The decision made by Gbagbo on February 12, 2010 to dissolve the Reconcilement Government is illegal and amounts to a coup. Therefore Gbagbo is no more recognized by the opposition as head of state.
2- Consequently all his deeds and political decisions are null and void.
3- The population to mount massive protests rallies
and see to it that Gbagbo is removed from power. |
In the revocation decision Gbagbo stipulates that Guillaume Soro - the prime Minister of the dissolved government and also the Secretary General of the Forces Nouvelles - should present him with a new government and a new format for the electoral commission. That is a hazardous political move as a new government that does not copt in ministers from the main opposition parties seems now unlikely - based on the common declaration issued by the opposition parties above briefly outlined.
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GBAGBO PLAYING AGAINST THE PEACE PROCESS
The vague suspicion (from sober observers of the Ivorian political stage - since four years running) that
Gbagbo was playing against the peace process is now a glaring evidence for everyone in the world.
His last gamble to stop the electoral process is a dangerous one, not only for the country political and social stability but also for his own standing as head of state - because he had willingly destroyed the legal basis of his appointment by the International Community.
One thing is sure, the political imbroglio that started with the coup of September 22, 2002 had reached a final
turning point - for the better or the worse. The three
coming months shall indicate which scenario would prevail.
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